Thursday, 31 May 2018

A Novel Multi-clustering Method for Hierarchical Clusterings, Based on Boosting. (arXiv:1805.11712v1 [cs.LG])

Bagging and boosting are proved to be the best methods of building multiple classifiers in classification combination problems. In the area of "flat clustering" problems, it is also recognized that multi-clustering methods based on boosting provide clusterings of an improved quality. In this paper, we introduce a novel multi-clustering method for "hierarchical clusterings" based on boosting theory, which creates a more stable hierarchical clustering of a dataset. The proposed algorithm includes a boosting iteration in which a bootstrap of samples is created by weighted random sampling of elements from the original dataset. A hierarchical clustering algorithm is then applied to selected subsample to build a dendrogram which describes the hierarchy. Finally, dissimilarity description matrices of multiple dendrogram results are combined to a consensus one, using a hierarchical-clustering-combination approach. Experiments on real popular datasets show that boosted method provides superior quality solutions compared to standard hierarchical clustering methods.



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Deep Video Portraits. (arXiv:1805.11714v1 [cs.CV])

We present a novel approach that enables photo-realistic re-animation of portrait videos using only an input video. In contrast to existing approaches that are restricted to manipulations of facial expressions only, we are the first to transfer the full 3D head position, head rotation, face expression, eye gaze, and eye blinking from a source actor to a portrait video of a target actor. The core of our approach is a generative neural network with a novel space-time architecture. The network takes as input synthetic renderings of a parametric face model, based on which it predicts photo-realistic video frames for a given target actor. The realism in this rendering-to-video transfer is achieved by careful adversarial training, and as a result, we can create modified target videos that mimic the behavior of the synthetically-created input. In order to enable source-to-target video re-animation, we render a synthetic target video with the reconstructed head animation parameters from a source video, and feed it into the trained network -- thus taking full control of the target. With the ability to freely recombine source and target parameters, we are able to demonstrate a large variety of video rewrite applications without explicitly modeling hair, body or background. For instance, we can reenact the full head using interactive user-controlled editing, and realize high-fidelity visual dubbing. To demonstrate the high quality of our output, we conduct an extensive series of experiments and evaluations, where for instance a user study shows that our video edits are hard to detect.



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Deep Mesh Projectors for Inverse Problems. (arXiv:1805.11718v1 [cs.CV])

We develop a new learning-based approach to ill-posed inverse problems. Instead of directly learning the complex mapping from the measured data to the reconstruction, we learn an ensemble of simpler mappings from data to projections of the unknown model into random low-dimensional subspaces. We form the reconstruction by combining the estimated subspace projections. Structured subspaces of piecewise-constant images on random Delaunay triangulations allow us to address inverse problems with extremely sparse data and still get good reconstructions of the unknown geometry. This choice also makes our method robust against arbitrary data corruptions not seen during training. Further, it marginalizes the role of the training dataset which is essential for applications in geophysics where ground-truth datasets are exceptionally scarce.



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The Age of Updates in a Simple Relay Network. (arXiv:1805.11720v1 [cs.IT])

In this paper, we examine a system where status updates are generated by a source and are forwarded in a First-Come-First-Served (FCFS) manner to the monitor. We consider the case where the server has other tasks to fulfill, a simple example being relaying the packets of another stream. Due to the server's necessity to go on vacations, the age process of the stream of interest becomes complicated to evaluate. By leveraging specific queuing theory tools, we provide a closed form of the average age for both streams which enables us to optimize the generation rate of packets belonging to each stream to achieve the minimum possible average age. The tools used can be further adopted to provide insights on more general multi-hop scenarios. Numerical results are provided to corroborate the theoretical findings and highlight the interaction between the two streams.



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The Role of Caching in Future Communication Systems and Networks. (arXiv:1805.11721v1 [cs.NI])

This paper has the following ambitious goal: to convince the reader that content caching is an exciting research topic for the future communication systems and networks. Caching has been studied for more than 40 years, and has recently received increased attention from industry and academia. Novel caching techniques promise to push the network performance to unprecedented limits, but also pose significant technical challenges. This tutorial provides a brief overview of existing caching solutions, discusses seminal papers that open new directions in caching, and presents the contributions of this Special Issue. We analyze the challenges that caching needs to address today, considering also an industry perspective, and identify bottleneck issues that must be resolved to unleash the full potential of this promising technique.



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Fairness and Sum-Rate Maximization via Joint Channel and Power Allocation in Uplink SCMA Networks. (arXiv:1805.11722v1 [cs.IT])

In this work, we consider a sparse code multiple access uplink network, where $J$ users simultaneously transmit data over $K$ subcarriers, such that $J > K$, with a constraint on the power transmitted by each user. To jointly optimize the codebook assignment and the transmitted power per subcarrier, two new iterative algorithms are proposed, the first one aims to maximize the sum-rate (Max-SR) of the network, while the second aims to maximize the minimum rate (Max-Min). In both cases, the optimization problem is of the mixed-integer nonlinear programming (MINLP) type, with non-convex objective functions. To address this issues, we employ an alternating optimization framework, where the codebook allocation problem is decoupled from the power allocation into two subproblems, and they are solved in an iterative alternating fashion. These subproblems are non-convex, therefore, we employ a sequential convex programming (SCP) method to solve them. An analysis of the convergence of the algorithms is provided. A comparison of the sum-rate and Jain's fairness index of the novel algorithms with three other algorithms proposed in the literature is presented for varying power budgets. The Max-SR algorithm outperforms the others in the sum-rate sense, while the Max-Min outperforms them in the fairness sense, achieving near perfect fairness.



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Building your Cross-Platform Application with RHEEM. (arXiv:1805.11723v1 [cs.DB])

Today, organizations typically perform tedious and costly tasks to juggle their code and data across different data processing platforms. Addressing this pain and achieving automatic cross-platform data processing is quite challenging because it requires quite good expertise for all the available data processing platforms. In this report, we present Rheem, a general-purpose cross-platform data processing system that alleviates users from the pain of finding the most efficient data processing platform for a given task. It also splits a task into subtasks and assigns each subtask to a specific platform to minimize the overall cost (e.g., runtime or monetary cost). To offer cross-platform functionality, it features (i) a robust interface to easily compose data analytic tasks; (ii) a novel cost-based optimizer able to find the most efficient platform in almost all cases; and (iii) an executor to efficiently orchestrate tasks over different platforms. As a result, it allows users to focus on the business logic of their applications rather than on the mechanics of how to compose and execute them. Rheem is released under an open source license.



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Google’s Project Fi adds support for the Moto G6, LG’s G7 and V35 phones

Project Fi, Google’s wireless service, is getting support for a number of new phones today. Until now, if you wanted to switch to Fi, the only officially supported phones were Google’s own Pixel and Pixel 2 phones, the Nexus 5X and 6P, as well as the Moto X4 and its Android One variant. Today, Google is adding to this list the Moto G6, as well as LG’s G7 ThinQ and V35 ThinQ phones.

Since Google’s network is a bit different from its competitors, thanks to Fi’s ability to switch between the networks of T-Mobile, Sprint and U.S. Cellular to provide users access to the strongest signal in a given area, the company has always taken a very strict approach as to which phones it officially supported.

If you want to make the switch to Fi, which also recently introduced its own take on its competitors’ flat-rate plans, then the 32GB version of the 5.7-inch Moto G6 is now available for $199 (discounted from $249). The two LG phones will be coming to Fi next month for their standard retail prices of $899 for the V35 and $749 for the G7. While Google isn’t offering any major outright discount for the LG phones, those who pre-order one will get a $50 Fi credit.

It’s worth noting that the V35, LG’s new six-inch flagship phone, only launched today and is essentially a G7 with more RAM, a different display and larger battery. The phone was originally rumored to be an AT&T exclusive, but I guess we can put that idea to rest now.

Both the G7 and Moto G6 have generally received favorable reviews. Google also currently offers the Moto X4 for a heavily discounted $249, but that still makes the G6 the most affordable option for Fi. This may create a bit of confusion for potential users, though, as those are quite similar and it’s hard to figure out which one to pick (just like choosing between the G7 and V35). At the same time, though, it’s nice to see Google add more options for its Project Fi customers.



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Students confront the unethical side of tech in ‘Designing for Evil’ course

Whether it’s surveilling or deceiving users, mishandling or selling their data, or engendering unhealthy habits or thoughts, tech these days is not short on unethical behavior. But it isn’t enough to just say “that’s creepy.” Fortunately, a course at the University of Washington is equipping its students with the philosophical insights to better identify — and fix — tech’s pernicious lack of ethics.

“Designing for Evil” just concluded its first quarter at UW’s Information School, where prospective creators of apps and services like those we all rely on daily learn the tools of the trade. But thanks to Alexis Hiniker, who teaches the class, they are also learning the critical skill of inquiring into the moral and ethical implications of those apps and services.

What, for example, is a good way of going about making a dating app that is inclusive and promotes healthy relationships? How can an AI imitating a human avoid unnecessary deception? How can something as invasive as China’s proposed citizen scoring system be made as user-friendly as it is possible to be?

I talked to all the student teams at a poster session held on UW’s campus, and also chatted with Hiniker, who designed the course and seemed pleased at how it turned out.

The premise is that the students are given a crash course in ethical philosophy that acquaints them with influential ideas, such as utilitarianism and deontology.

“It’s designed to be as accessible to lay people as possible,” Hiniker told me. “These aren’t philosophy students — this is a design class. But I wanted to see what I could get away with.”

The primary text is Harvard philosophy professor Michael Sandel’s popular book Justice, which Hiniker felt combined the various philosophies into a readable, integrated format. After ingesting this, the students grouped up and picked an app or technology that they would evaluate using the principles described, and then prescribe ethical remedies.

As it turned out, finding ethical problems in tech was the easy part — and fixes for them ranged from the trivial to the impossible. Their insights were interesting, but I got the feeling from many of them that there was a sort of disappointment at the fact that so much of what tech offers, or how it offers it, is inescapably and fundamentally unethical.

I found the students fell into one of three categories.

Not fundamentally unethical (but could use an ethical tune-up)

WebMD is of course a very useful site, but it was plain to the students that it lacked inclusivity: its symptom checker is stacked against non-English-speakers and those who might not know the names of symptoms. The team suggested a more visual symptom reporter, with a basic body map and non-written symptom and pain indicators.

Hello Barbie, the doll that chats back to kids, is certainly a minefield of potential legal and ethical violations, but there’s no reason it can’t be done right. With parental consent and careful engineering it will be in line with privacy laws, but the team said that it still failed some tests of keeping the dialogue with kids healthy and parents informed. The scripts for interaction, they said, should be public — which is obvious in retrospect — and audio should be analyzed on device rather than in the cloud. Lastly, a set of warning words or phrases indicating unhealthy behaviors could warn parents of things like self-harm while keeping the rest of the conversation secret.

WeChat Discover allows users to find others around them and see recent photos they’ve taken — it’s opt-in, which is good, but it can be filtered by gender, promoting a hookup culture that the team said is frowned on in China. It also obscures many user controls behind multiple layers of menus, which may cause people to share location when they don’t intend to. Some basic UI fixes were proposed by the students, and a few ideas on how to combat the possibility of unwanted advances from strangers.

Netflix isn’t evil, but its tendency to promote binge-watching has robbed its users of many an hour. This team felt that some basic user-set limits like two episodes per day, or delaying the next episode by a certain amount of time, could interrupt the habit and encourage people to take back control of their time.

Fundamentally unethical (fixes are still worth making)

FakeApp is a way to face-swap in video, producing convincing fakes in which a politician or friend appears to be saying something they didn’t. It’s fundamentally deceptive, of course, in a broad sense, but really only if the clips are passed on as genuine. Watermarks visible and invisible, as well as controlled cropping of source videos, were this team’s suggestion, though ultimately the technology won’t yield to these voluntary mitigations. So really, an informed populace is the only answer. Good luck with that!

China’s “social credit” system is not actually, the students argued, absolutely unethical — that judgment involves a certain amount of cultural bias. But I’m comfortable putting it here because of the massive ethical questions it has sidestepped and dismissed on the road to deployment. Their highly practical suggestions, however, were focused on making the system more accountable and transparent. Contest reports of behavior, see what types of things have contributed to your own score, see how it has changed over time, and so on.

Tinder’s unethical nature, according to the team, was based on the fact that it was ostensibly about forming human connections but is very plainly designed to be a meat market. Forcing people to think of themselves as physical objects first and foremost in pursuit of romance is not healthy, they argued, and causes people to devalue themselves. As a countermeasure, they suggested having responses to questions or prompts be the first thing you see about a person. You’d have to swipe based on that before seeing any pictures. I suggested having some deal-breaker questions you’d have to agree on, as well. It’s not a bad idea, though open to gaming (like the rest of online dating).

Fundamentally unethical (fixes are essentially impossible)

The League, on the other hand, was a dating app that proved intractable to ethical guidelines. Not only was it a meat market, but it was a meat market where people paid to be among the self-selected “elite” and could filter by ethnicity and other troubling categories. Their suggestions of removing the fee and these filters, among other things, essentially destroyed the product. Unfortunately, The League is an unethical product for unethical people. No amount of tweaking will change that.

Duplex was taken on by a smart team that nevertheless clearly only started their project after Google I/O. Unfortunately, they found that the fundamental deception intrinsic in an AI posing as a human is ethically impermissible. It could, of course, identify itself — but that would spoil the entire value proposition. But they also asked a question I didn’t think to ask myself in my own coverage: why isn’t this AI exhausting all other options before calling a human? It could visit the site, send a text, use other apps and so on. AIs in general should default to interacting with websites and apps first, then to other AIs, then and only then to people — at which time it should say it’s an AI.


To me the most valuable part of all these inquiries was learning what hopefully becomes a habit: to look at the fundamental ethical soundness of a business or technology and be able to articulate it.

That may be the difference in a meeting between being able to say something vague and easily blown off, like “I don’t think that’s a good idea,” and describing a specific harm and reason why that harm is important — and perhaps how it can be avoided.

As for Hiniker, she has some ideas for improving the course should it be approved for a repeat next year. A broader set of texts, for one: “More diverse writers, more diverse voices,” she said. And ideally it could even be expanded to a multi-quarter course so that the students get more than a light dusting of ethics.

With any luck the kids in this course (and any in the future) will be able to help make those choices, leading to fewer Leagues and Duplexes and more COPPA-compliant smart toys and dating apps that don’t sabotage self-esteem.



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HoloLens acts as eyes for blind users and guides them with audio prompts

Microsoft’s HoloLens has an impressive ability to quickly sense its surroundings, but limiting it to displaying emails or game characters on them would show a lack of creativity. New research shows that it works quite well as a visual prosthesis for the vision impaired, not relaying actual visual data but guiding them in real time with audio cues and instructions.

The researchers, from Caltech and University of Southern California, first argue that restoring vision is at present simply not a realistic goal, but that replacing the perception portion of vision isn’t necessary to replicate the practical portion. After all, if you can tell where a chair is, you don’t need to see it to avoid it, right?

Crunching visual data and producing a map of high-level features like walls, obstacles and doors is one of the core capabilities of the HoloLens, so the team decided to let it do its thing and recreate the environment for the user from these extracted features.

They designed the system around sound, naturally. Every major object and feature can tell the user where it is, either via voice or sound. Walls, for instance, hiss (presumably a white noise, not a snake hiss) as the user approaches them. And the user can scan the scene, with objects announcing themselves from left to right from the direction in which they are located. A single object can be selected and will repeat its callout to help the user find it.

That’s all well for stationary tasks like finding your cane or the couch in a friend’s house. But the system also works in motion.

The team recruited seven blind people to test it out. They were given a brief intro but no training, and then asked to accomplish a variety of tasks. The users could reliably locate and point to objects from audio cues, and were able to find a chair in a room in a fraction of the time they normally would, and avoid obstacles easily as well.

This render shows the actual paths taken by the users in the navigation tests

Then they were tasked with navigating from the entrance of a building to a room on the second floor by following the headset’s instructions. A “virtual guide” repeatedly says “follow me” from an apparent distance of a few feet ahead, while also warning when stairs were coming, where handrails were and when the user had gone off course.

All seven users got to their destinations on the first try, and much more quickly than if they had had to proceed normally with no navigation. One subject, the paper notes, said “That was fun! When can I get one?”

Microsoft actually looked into something like this years ago, but the hardware just wasn’t there — HoloLens changes that. Even though it is clearly intended for use by sighted people, its capabilities naturally fill the requirements for a visual prosthesis like the one described here.

Interestingly, the researchers point out that this type of system was also predicted more than 30 years ago, long before they were even close to possible:

“I strongly believe that we should take a more sophisticated approach, utilizing the power of artificial intelligence for processing large amounts of detailed visual information in order to substitute for the missing functions of the eye and much of the visual pre-processing performed by the brain,” wrote the clearly far-sighted C.C. Collins way back in 1985.

The potential for a system like this is huge, but this is just a prototype. As systems like HoloLens get lighter and more powerful, they’ll go from lab-bound oddities to everyday items — one can imagine the front desk at a hotel or mall stocking a few to give to vision-impaired folks who need to find their room or a certain store.

“By this point we expect that the reader already has proposals in mind for enhancing the cognitive prosthesis,” they write. “A hardware/software platform is now available to rapidly implement those ideas and test them with human subjects. We hope that this will inspire developments to enhance perception for both blind and sighted people, using augmented auditory reality to communicate things that we cannot see.”



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This is the first look at Nvidia’s wild new 750,000 sq ft building

Nvidia is preparing a new, massive building in Santa Clara, CA and this is it. Called Voyager, it will be larger than the building Nvidia just finished constructing by 250,000 square feet. And just like the other building, Endeavor, Voyager will share the same wild, distinctly Nvidia design.

Nvidia opened the first building, Endeavor, in 2017 and it feels like if a person could go into an Nvidia GPU. There’s green and sharp angles everywhere. Triangle skylights pepper the roof, which is also a triangle. It’s just two stories due to local zoning laws and it appears the new building will following much of the same trends.

Voyager will be 750,000 square feet and situated next to the Endeavor in Santa Clara. This puts the combined buildings’ square-footage at 1.25 million, which is a little less than half of Apple’s new HQ in Cupertino. Nvidia tells me the company is still planning the building’s staffing but expects the building will house its growing engineer teams. The company has 11,500 employees around the world with 5,000 in Santa Clara.

Nvidia is using Gensler to design the building and it will be constructed by Devcon, the same companies tapped for the first building. Construction is expected to start next month and take up to three and a half years.

I asked Nvidia why these buildings are named after notable spacecraft. The response is interesting. Endeavor and Voyager have the initial sounds of “En” and “V”, hence the initial sounds of Nvidia, while the names also suggest a sense of pushing frontiers. Cheesy? A bit, but still clever and I’ll buy it.



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Meet Super Anthony, the fighting robot that lands mighty blows

If you’ve always wanted recreate the fighting scenes in Big Hero 6 with your own little fighting robots, now is your chance. Super Anthony is a rocking, socking robot that can punch, kick, roll, and jump and has enough torque to knock any other little robot off its little robot legs.

Super Anthony costs $1,299 for early birds and consists of a little frame 14 inches high and a set of 45 kg per servo punch force motors. The system is controlled via a standard game controller or phone app and it is “wear resistant” so you can keep fighting. This particular model won a straight-line walking competition so you know he has great legs.

“Super Anthony has a customized 15-axis crafted structure that provides intuitive control for full freedom of mobility. He can fight more swiftly and accurately than other robots,” the creators write.

The robot is shipping on November 2018 and it looks to be an interesting little opponent. While you probably need a few Super Anthonys to get a real fight going – a multi-pack costs $5,199 – you can still have fun and experiment with a single robot until you and your wacky friends invent nanobot technology that eventually kills your brother but lets you learn about teamwork along the way.



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Kobo’s new entry-level Clara HD e-reader has a crisp, color-adjustable display

Kobo has announced a new e-reader, the Clara HD, which won’t set the world on fire but will be a perfectly good option for e-book readers who don’t want to spend a fortune. It basically revives the well-liked but discontinued Glo HD with a better frontlight and more memory.

The screen is 6 inches and 300 PPI, which is comparable to Amazon’s latest Kindles and high enough that you shouldn’t notice pixelation in the type. More importantly for some, it has the company’s improved frontlight, which can be dialed from the now-familiar cool LED tone to a much, much warmer one. It has 8 GB of storage inside, more than enough for hundreds of books and comics — but no MicroSD card slot, which some do love to have.

I’ve been using the Clara HD as my daily reader for a week or so and I can vouch for the type quality and usual features — in terms of loading books onto the device, reading and navigating them, this reader is much the same as Kobo’s others.

The improvements are small basically because the Clara HD will likely replace the Aura Edition 2, which it outperforms by a huge amount, as the company’s entry-level device. At $130 it’s just $10 more than Amazon’s Paperwhite (the version with built-in ads, that is), but I’d go with the Kobo every time.

The simplicity of managing your books and articles on the Kobo is one selling point — I love being able to just drag and drop files like e-pubs and CBRs onto it like it’s a USB drive, and my Pocket articles jump onto it automatically.

And the color-changing light might help attract people who aren’t sure about the illumination they’ve seen in other readers. That cold blue tone can really put people off, and the ability to warm it up is great. If you’re like me you’ll find both tone extremes too much, then pick something in the middle and keep it there.

The design is nothing to shout about, but it’s quite light and thin and gets the job done — except for one nuisance that just baffles me. The power button is dead center on the bottom edge of the device.

Why?

Whose idea was that? If you’re holding the device by the side and bottom edges, there’s always a risk you’ll grab the button by mistake and put the device to sleep. It’s dumb, but it’s not enough for me to change my mind and switch to Kindle. I’m also not a big fan of the texture on the back (it feels like it will collect dirt), but that too is far from a deal-breaker.

The Clara HD is available for pre-order now, and if you’re in the market for an all-purpose e-reader, this is a great option and I would say a solid value. It ships in June in the U.S. and some other regions, with more coming later. From the press release:

The device will also be available France on June 1, and as of June 5 in Canada, the UK, Italy, Spain, Portugal, the Netherlands, and Turkey; Hong Kong in July; with Australia, New Zealand, and Mexico to follow later this year.



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This sensor stops your quadcopter before it can cut you

The folks at Spectrum have found a truly cool project for quadcopter pilots. It’s a spinning sensor that will stop the rotors if your finger gets too close to the blades, thereby preventing you – or your kids – from getting cut.

Researchers at the University of Queensland in Brisbane, Australia created so-called Safety Rotor to help prevent accidents with more powerful quadrotor drones. The system constantly senses for a “finger” – in this case a hot dog – and then slams the rotor to a stop within 0.077 seconds. A cage around the propellers spins more slowly than the propellers and is constantly on the lookout for biological material approaching the blades.

The measured latency [of the Safety Rotor’s braking response] was 0.0118 seconds from the triggering event to start of rotor deceleration. The rotor required a further 0.0474 s to come to a complete stop. Ninety percent of the rotational kinetic energy of the rotor (as computed from angular velocity) was dissipated within 0.0216 s of triggering, and 99 percent of the rotational kinetic energy of the rotor was dissipated within 0.032 s.

The safety functionality of the safety system was tested on the bench using a processed meat “finger” proxy to trigger the hoop, and also applied to an open rotor (without hoop) for comparison. The rotor was spun at hover speed (1100 rads−1) and the finger proxy was introduced into the hoop at 0.36 ms−1 … The rotor and finger motion were captured using a shutter speed of 480 Hz. The rotor came to a stop within 0.077 s, with only light marks on the finger proxy from the impact of the hoop. The rotor was completely stopped by the time the finger reached the rotor plane. In contrast, the tip of the finger proxy introduced to an open rotor was completely destroyed.

The kit adds $20 and about 22 grams to the drone so it’s not particularly expensive or difficult to implement. It could be, as they note, a real lifesaver if you tend to put your juicy, blood-filled digits into copter blades.



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Snips announces an ICO and its own voice assistant device

French startup Snips has been working on voice assistant technology that respects your privacy. And the company is going to use its own voice assistant for a set of consumer devices. As part of this consumer push, the company is also announcing an initial coin offering.

Yes, it sounds a bit like Snips is playing a game of buzzword bingo. Anyone can currently download the open source Snips SDK and play with it with a Raspberry Pi, a microphone and a speaker. It’s private by design, you can even make it work without any internet connection. Companies can partner with Snips to embed a voice assistant in their own devices too.

But Snips is adding a B2C element to its business. This time, the company is going to compete directly with Amazon Echo and Google Home speakers. You’ll be able to buy the Snips AIR Base and Snips AIR Satellites.

The base will be a good old smart speaker, while satellites will be tiny portable speakers that you can put in all your rooms. The company plans to launch those devices in 18 months.

[gallery ids="1646039,1646040,1646041,1646042,1646043,1646044"]

By default, Snips devices will come with basic skills to control your smart home devices, get the weather, control music, timers, alarms, calendars and reminders. Unlike the Amazon Echo or Google Home, voice commands won’t be sent to Google’s or Amazon’s servers.

Developers will be able to create skills and publish them on a marketplace. That marketplace will run on a new blockchain — the AIR blockchain.

And that’s where the ICO comes along. The marketplace will accept AIR tokens to buy more skills. You’ll also be able to generate training data for voice commands using AIR tokens. To be honest, I’m not sure why good old credit card transactions weren’t enough. But I guess that’s a good way to raise money.



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Jury finds Samsung owes Apple $539M in patent case stretching back to 2011

A patent case that began back in 2011 has reached a conclusion, with Samsung ordered to pay about $539 million to Apple over infringements of the latter’s patents in devices that are now long gone. The case has dragged on for years as both sides argued about the finer points of how much was owed per device, what could be deducted and so on. It’s been eye-wateringly boring, but at least it’s over now. Maybe.

The patents in question are some things we take for granted now, UI cues like “rubber-banding” at the bottom of a list or using two fingers to zoom in and out. But they were all part of the “boy have we patented it” multi-touch gestures of which Steve Jobs was so proud. In addition there were the defining characteristics of the first iPhone, now familiar (black round rectangle with a big screen, etc.). At any rate, Apple sued the dickens out of Samsung over them.

The case was actually decided long ago — in 2012, when the court found that Samsung had clearly and willfully infringed on the patents in question and initial damages were set at a staggering $1 billion. We wrote it up then, when it was of course big news:

Since then it’s all been about the damages, and Samsung won a big victory in the Supreme court that said it may only have to pay out based on the profit from the infringing component, which could limit damages considerably. (Update: The decision did not say, as I originally had here, that Samsung only had to pay based on the infringing component, but that a single component could be considered the basis for calculating profits.)

Unfortunately for Samsung, the “infringing component” for the design patents seems to have been considered by the jury as being the entire phone. The result is that a great deal of Samsung’s profits from selling the infringing devices ended up composing the damages. It sets a major precedent in the patent litigation world, although not necessarily a logical one. People started arguing about the validity and value of design patents a long time ago and they haven’t stopped yet.

CNET has a good rundown for anyone curious about the specifics. Notably, Samsung said in a statement that “We will consider all options to obtain an outcome that does not hinder creativity and fair competition for all companies and consumers.” Does that mean they’re going to take it as high as the Supreme Court (again) and drag the case out for another couple of years? Or will they cut their losses and just be happy to stop paying the legal fees that probably rivaled the damages assigned? Hopefully the latter.



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The 9 features Amazon and Google must add to the Echo and Home

The Amazon Echo and Google Home are amazing devices and both have advantages over the other. In my home, we use the Amazon Echo and have them around the house and outside. I have the original in the living room, a Dot in bedrooms, my office and outside, a Tap in my woodworking workshop and Spots in the kids’ room (with tape over the camera). They’re great devices, but far from perfect. They’re missing several key features and the Google Home is missing the same things, too.

I polled the TechCrunch staff. The following are the features we would like to see in the next generation of these devices.

If you’re on desktop, click the “start here” button to the right. If you’re on mobile web, just scroll down. If you are reading this from anywhere else (Google News, Yahoo, etc), click here to jump into the slideshow.



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Netflix magic market number larger than big cable company’s magic market number

Netflix’s market cap is now larger than Comcast, which is pretty much just a symbolic thing given that the companies are valued very differently but is like one of those moments where Apple was larger than Exxon and may be some kind of watershed moment for technology. Or not.

A couple notes on this largely symbolic and not really important thing:

  • Netflix users are going up. That’s a number that people look at. It’s why Netflix’s magic market number is going up.
  • People are cutting cable TV cords. Netflix has no cable TV cords. It does, however, require a cord connected to the internet. So it still needs a cord of some sort, unless everything goes wireless.
  • Netflix is spending a lot of money on content. People consume content. Cable is also content, but it is expensive content. Also, Comcast will start bundling in Netflix into its cable subscriptions.
  • They have a very different price-to-earnings ratio. Comcast is valued as a real company. Netflix is valued as a… well, something that is growing that will maybe be a business more massive than Comcast. Maybe.
  • Comcast makes much more money than Netflix. Netflix had $3.7 billion in revenue in Q1. Comcast had $22.8 billion and free cash flow of $3.1 billion. Netflix says it will have -$3 billion to -$4 billion in free cash flow in 2018.

Anyway, Netflix will report its next earnings in a couple months, and this number is definitely going to change, because it’s pretty arbitrary given that Netflix is not valued like other companies. The stock price doesn’t swing as much as Bitcoin, but things can be pretty random.

In the mean time, Riverdale Season 2 is on Netflix, so maybe that’s why it’s more valuable than Comcast. See you guys in a few hours.



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This family’s Echo sent a private conversation to a random contact

A Portland family tells KIRO news that their Echo recorded and then sent a private conversation to someone on its list of contacts without telling them. Amazon called it an “extremely rare occurrence.” (And provided a more detailed explanation, below.)

Portlander Danielle said that she got a call from one of her husband’s employees one day telling her to “unplug your Alexa devices right now,” and suggesting she’d been hacked. He said that he had received recordings of the couple talking about hardwood floors, which Danielle confirmed.

Amazon, when she eventually got hold of the company, had an engineer check the logs, and he apparently discovered what they said was true. In a statement, Amazon said, “We investigated what happened and determined this was an extremely rare occurrence. We are taking steps to avoid this from happening in the future.”

What could have happened? It seems likely that the Echo’s voice recognition service misheard something, interpreting it as instructions to record the conversation like a note or message. And then it apparently also misheard them say to send the recording to this particular person. And it did all this without saying anything back.

The house reportedly had multiple Alexa devices, so it’s also possible that the system decided to ask for confirmation on the wrong device — saying “All right, I’ve sent that to Steve” on the living room Echo because the users’ voices carried from the kitchen. Or something.

Naturally no one expects to have their conversations sent out to an acquaintance, but it must also be admitted that the Echo is, fundamentally, a device that listens to every conversation you have and constantly sends that data to places on the internet. It also remembers more stuff now. If something does go wrong, “sending your conversation somewhere it isn’t supposed to go” seems a pretty reasonable way for it to happen.

Update: I asked Amazon for more details on what happened, and after this article was published it issued the following explanation, which more or less confirms how I suspected this went down:

Echo woke up due to a word in background conversation sounding like “Alexa.” Then, the subsequent conversation was heard as a “send message” request. At which point, Alexa said out loud “To whom?” At which point, the background conversation was interpreted as a name in the customers contact list. Alexa then asked out loud, “[contact name], right?” Alexa then interpreted background conversation as “right”. As unlikely as this string of events is, we are evaluating options to make this case even less likely.



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No, 5 Men on the Supreme Court Did Not Just Decimate #MeToo

Last week, the Supreme Court released its opinions for Epic Systems Corp. v. Lewis, and the majority holding set off a firestorm of criticism from advocates for the #MeToo campaign against sexual assault and harassment.

Some advocates went so far as to accuse five men (the case was decided by a 5-4 majority) of seriously undermining the ability of women to seek recourse for sexually abusive workplace conditions.

Fortunately for women, this isn’t the case.

Epic Systems Corp. was not about sexual assault, has little impact on the ability of employers to be held accountable for workplace violations, and was decided in accordance with both longstanding legal precedent and the principles of judicial restraint.

This case was about how to interpret the interaction of two federal statutes.

Yes, you read that correctly. Although some commentators have made the Epic Systems holding sound apocalyptic for female employees, the key question in the case was fairly innocuous—did Congress intend parts of a later statute to override key provisions of an earlier statute?

In this case, employees entered into contracts with their respective employers. Those contracts stipulated that the employees agreed to use individualized arbitration proceedings to resolve any disputes with their employers that might arise during the course of employment. This meant the employees would also agree to forego class-action arbitration or lawsuits in state or federal court.

The employees nonetheless attempted to escape from these agreed-upon arbitration proceedings, and instead filed class-action lawsuits over various disputes they had with their employers.

The employers filed a motion in federal court to dismiss the lawsuits and require the employees to pursue their claims utilizing the procedure to which they had agreed in the contract. They pointed to the Federal Arbitration Act, which Congress passed in 1925 and which instructed federal courts to enforce arbitration agreements found in contracts, except in limited circumstances where the entire contract could be legally revoked.

The employees responded that the individualized arbitration clause was illegal—and therefore invalid—because the 1935 National Labor Relations Act guarantees employees the right to collective action against an employer. According to the employees, Congress intended that law to override any conflicting portion of the Arbitration Act.

The majority followed decades of clear legal precedent.

When one party claims that two federal statutes conflict, the Supreme Court follows the same mode of analysis it has utilized on many occasions over many decades to resolve the issue. The court assumes that if Congress wants to override an earlier statute with a later statute, it will make its intent to do so “clear and manifest” and will specifically address the pre-existing law it wishes to override.

If Congress doesn’t do this, the court “strives to give effect to both [statutes]” under the assumption that Congress intended the statutes to work harmoniously. It does this to avoid picking and choosing amongst various policies, a task constitutionally entrusted to Congress.

The majority rightly pointed out that nothing in the later National Labor Relations Act expresses Congress’ approval or disapproval of individualized arbitration agreements, much less expresses a clear intent to override fundamental provisions of the Federal Arbitration Act.

As Justice Neil Gorsuch, writing for the majority, noted, “[w]hen Congress wants to mandate particular dispute resolution procedures it knows exactly how to do so.” But Congress made no overt attempt to restrict the use of individualized arbitration agreements. Instead, the National Labor Relations Act focuses on the right of employees to organize unions and bargain collectively for or against contractual conditions.

Some commentators misunderstand the Epic Systems holding.

Several media outlets have reported on this narrow holding as though the Supreme Court had effectively denied the right of employees to seek collective recourse against their employers.

For example, the San Francisco Chronicle quoted one attorney as claiming that, “Collectively, women can continue to demand that employers and companies can’t silence them … . They can continue to speak out and demand that companies voluntarily change their policies. [Women] just had five men decide they couldn’t do this.”

Author Helaine Olen similarly told The Washington Post that the majority opinion “makes it all but impossible for workers who encounter discrimination, wage theft, [or] harassment … to legally insist on their rights.”

The good news is that is not what the “five men” of the majority held in Epic Systems. Employees—both male and female—absolutely maintain the right under the National Labor Relations Act to join unions and bargain collectively with their employer, and can continue to demand collectively that companies change their policies.

All the court did was interpret the straightforward language of a federal law that requires courts to enforce arbitration agreements. If employees don’t like individual arbitration agreements, they are free to bargain collectively to change them. They are also free to lobby Congress to pass legislation clearly overriding the Federal Arbitration Act.

Other commentators have insisted that this ruling deals a severe blow to the #MeToo campaign by preventing women who have been sexually harassed or assaulted in the workplace from seeking collective action against their employers.

They argue that making employees abide by the arbitration agreements in their contracts will “be chilling for the #MeToo movement, which has made getting rid of mandatory arbitration agreements paramount. That’s because arbitration shrouds workplace sexual harassment claims in secrecy, thus making it hard for victims to come forward while protecting serial abusers.”

While the description of individualized arbitration proceedings as adverse to complainants is dubious, a bigger problem is the suggestion that the Supreme Court is to blame for any alleged chilling effect.

The reality is that Congress passed the Federal Arbitration Act, and it’s not the court’s role to determine whether this law represents good or bad policy, or to tweak its meaning to avoid outcomes it doesn’t particularly like.

If enforcing individualized arbitration agreements has a chilling effect and is indeed bad public policy, the proper way of neutralizing that effect is the same here as for all poorly constructed or ill-conceived statutes that were nonetheless within Congress’ constitutional authority to enact—through the legislative process, not judicial fiat.

It isn’t egregious for judges to use standard and predictable frameworks for interpreting statutes. It is, rather, egregious for judges to take upon themselves the policymaking authority constitutionally granted to Congress, picking and choosing which parts of which statutes Congress ought to override.

The hysteria, not the Supreme Court, hurts #MeToo.

The #MeToo campaign has been criticized for a number of things, sometimes rightly and sometimes erroneously. One of the main legitimate criticisms is that it encourages a certain sense of hysteria and overreaction to innocuous events, and that at times some of its proponents lack the ability to have rational, objective discussions about the nuances of law and public policy.

This complete mischaracterization of a Supreme Court holding and its effect on women, as well as the blame shifting away from Congress as the source of any problem that may exist because of the Federal Arbitration Act, does more to damage the #MeToo movement than the judicial restraint exhibited by the justices of the majority.

It isn’t in the best interests of anyone for courts to selectively rewrite statutes, ignore longstanding rules of statutory interpretation, or leave the nation guessing as to how they will construe laws on a given day.

Consistent interpretation of the law and judicial restraint from policymaking are not enemies of justice and democracy, but rather prerequisites for them. And this makes the Epic Systems holding something to celebrate.

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The Mojo of Trumponomics

T.S. Eliot famously wrote that April is the cruelest month, but when it comes to America’s fiscal picture, nothing could be further from the truth about this past April. The latest government numbers confirm that last month was a blockbuster for growth, federal revenues, and deficit reduction.

One of the key principles of Trumponomics is that faster economic growth can help solve a multitude of other social and economic problems, from poverty to inner-city decline to lowering the national debt.

We’re not quite at a sustained elevated growth rate of 3 percent yet, but the latest economy snapshot tells us we are knocking on the door. The growth rate over the last four quarters came in at 2.9 percent, which was higher than any of the eight years of Barack Obama’s presidency.

Halfway through this current quarter, which began on April 1, the Atlanta Federal Reserve estimates growth at 4 percent. If that persists through the end of June, we will have reached an average growth rate of 3 percent under President Donald Trump.

Not bad, given that nearly every liberal critic trashed the president’s campaign forecast of 3 percent to 4 percent growth as an impossible dream.

Economists such as Larry Summers, Obama’s first chief economist, gloomily declared that we were mired in a new era of “secular stagnation” and that 3 percent growth was unachievable. Paul Krugman of The New York Times said it was more likely we would see flying cars than 3 percent to 4 percent growth.

Now for the even better news. We are already starting to see a fiscal dividend from Trump’s tax, energy, and pro-business policies. The Congressional Budget Office reports that tax revenues in April—by far the biggest month of the year for tax collections because of the April 15 filing deadline—totaled $515 billion, which was a robust 13 percent rise in receipts over last year.

MoneyWeek reports that the $218 billion monthly surplus (revenues over expenditures) this April was the largest ever, with the previous record being $180 billion in 2001. (April is always the one surplus month.)

Here’s the simple lesson: more growth, more tax revenue.

But there’s another lesson, and it is about how wrong the bean counters in Congress were who said this tax bill would “cost” the Treasury $1.5 trillion to $2 trillion in lost revenues over the next decade.

If the higher growth rate that Trump has already accomplished remains in place, then the impact will be well over $3 trillion of more revenue and thus lower debt levels over the decade. Putting people to work is the best way to balance the budget. Period.

Critics will dismiss the importance of these higher revenue collections by arguing that the new receipts are for 2017 tax payments, which don’t take account of the tax cut that passed in December. This ignores that some of the growth we have seen was a result of the anticipation of the tax cut. Moreover, the fact that the tax cuts are just sinking in means that we should get even higher growth rates for the next several years at least.

Alas, it is not all good news in the April surprise. The inexcusable omnibus spending bill increased federal spending by some $300 billion in 2018, and we are starting to feel the impact of that splurge. Federal outlays are up 8.7 percent in April. That’s unforgivable, given that Republicans run everything in Washington these days.

No one thought that Trump could ramp up the growth rate to 3 percent or that his policies would boost federal revenues. But he is doing just that—which is why all that the Democrats and the media want to talk about these days is Russia and Stormy Daniels.

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The UN Redefines What It Means to Be a ‘Human’

In blatant violation of international law, the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights has unveiled a startling new campaign that claims “you have human rights since birth.”

The unsettling image, which depicts a baby’s arm with the statement written on a hospital bracelet, makes clear the position of this U.N. body—human rights should not be afforded to human beings until after they are born.

Abortion advocates might applaud this claim, but the position of the body flies in the face of established, and binding, international law on the rights of the unborn.

As the U.N. body in charge of human rights, the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights is mandated to uphold the international legal framework. Deploying the poster at strategic vantage points at the U.N. in Geneva serves as a provocative, and jarring, assault on the fundamental principle of the right to life enshrined in international law and the countries that continue to defend it.

The Convention on the Rights of the Child, the pre-eminent international treaty on children’s rights, leaves no room for ambiguity in its preamble. “The child, by reason of his physical and mental immaturity, needs special safeguards and care, including appropriate legal protection, before as well as after birth,” it states.

Other international treaties unequivocally reference the right to life of the unborn, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. In this treaty, the death penalty is prohibited for pregnant women to “save the life of an innocent unborn child,” as explained in its accompanying interpretative documents (A/C.3/SR.819, paragraphs 17 & 33).

Although shocking, the ease with which the office goes against international law is not without precedent. Led by a high commissioner for human rights who functions largely without check, the office frequently has veered into areas that lack member state approval, running multimillion-dollar campaigns and issuing policy recommendations that overtly contravene international law, not to mention the will of member states.

Countries are subjected to regular policing in which they aggressively are urged to change their laws on matters that fall under domestic jurisdiction and have no bearing on human rights.

It is difficult to navigate the fine line between respect for a state’s self-determination and the urgency of U.N. interference when human rights are at stake, but the activities of the human rights office far surpass the work of ensuring fundamental human rights.

The new round of posters, tied to the 70th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, reveals just how far the office is willing to go in its mission to overhaul international law to further a nonconsensual activist agenda that defies the traditional, religious, or ethical values that so many countries and peoples hold sacred.

The declaration, as with the other founding documents of international law, was expertly drafted to protect these values and leave room for crucial national self-determination. It is a great irony that the campaign is tied to the declaration, which is still considered the most important reference point on human rights today.

The mandate of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights is to promote and protect human rights and to coordinate the many human rights mechanisms of the United Nations to monitor and improve member states’ compliance with the treaties they have signed.

It claims to be an “objective voice” on human rights, but it regularly issues highly coercive recommendations to states under the guise of human rights and uses a complex network of special rapporteurs, independent experts, and working groups to aid with enforcement.

These procedures are purportedly impartial and autonomous, but the human rights office’s efforts to force countries to change their national laws on an array of highly sensitive social issues demonstrates a marked disregard for state sovereignty.

Much of the lack of accountability surrounding the office stems from the inherent tension in monitoring human rights. By its very nature, the task of overseeing countries’ human rights records requires a fair amount of independence. The office must be free to make unbiased assessments regarding what is going with human rights at the country level.

But the subsequent autonomy that it enjoys has resulted in a flagrant disrespect for the very international legal documents that it was created to uphold. As evidenced by these posters, the time has come for increased accountability for the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights—the rights of the unborn all around the world are at stake.

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Supreme Court to Police: Get Off the People’s Lawn

This week, the Supreme Court held that the Fourth Amendment does not permit a police officer to enter uninvited onto someone’s driveway to search a parked vehicle, without first obtaining a warrant.

That’s an important ruling, since no one wants police officers roaming across their private property searching for evidence of a crime. But Justice Clarence Thomas raised another important issue in a concurring opinion: In that scenario, what remedy should there be against the officer’s unlawful behavior?

Thomas proposed an answer that bucks Supreme Court precedent, but holds true to the original meaning of the Constitution.

The Fourth Amendment protects against unreasonable searches and seizures, and generally requires police to obtain a warrant before searching or seizing someone’s property. The Supreme Court has recognized several exceptions to the warrant requirement, however, including for automobiles—since they can be driven off at a moment’s notice, and are subject to manifold regulations, courts will allow police to search vehicles based on probable cause that a crime has occurred without first obtaining a warrant.

The court has also determined that police may not search the curtilage of a home (that is, the area immediately surrounding a home) without a warrant.

Finally, the court has established that when a Fourth Amendment violation is found, typically a judge-made rule called “the exclusionary rule” applies, which commands the trial court to exclude evidence that was obtained illegally.

This week, in Collins v. Virginia, eight members of the court agreed that when the automobile exception and protection of the curtilage collide, the latter wins the day.

An Albemarle County, Virginia, police officer walked up the driveway of a woman’s home to inspect what he believed to be a motorcycle that had been involved in two separate traffic violations and high-speed police evasions, and was likely stolen.

The officer confirmed that it was the motorcycle in question and that it was stolen, and later arrested Ryan Collins, who had left the motorcycle there at his girlfriend’s home.

At trial, Collins filed an unsuccessful motion to suppress evidence arguing that the officer’s search had violated the Fourth Amendment’s warrant requirement. Collins was convicted of receiving stolen property, and the Virginia Court of Appeals and Virginia Supreme Court affirmed his conviction.

The Supreme Court rejected the Virginia courts’ rulings this week. Writing for the majority, Justice Sonia Sotomayor called this an “easy case,” explaining that the “scope of the automobile exception extends no further than the automobile itself.” To find otherwise, she concluded, would “transform what was meant to be an exception into a tool with far broader application.”

Sotomayor left open for the state court to assess whether another exception to the warrant requirement, such as exigent circumstances, would apply to the warrantless search in this case.

Justice Samuel Alito dissented, remarking that the “hallmark” of the Fourth Amendment is reasonableness—and the police officer’s conduct here was “entirely reasonable.”

Where this case gets really interesting, though, is Thomas’ concurrence. He agreed with the majority that a Fourth Amendment violation had occurred, but wrote separately to express his doubts about the court’s ability to impose the exclusionary rule on state courts.

Thomas explained: “The assumption that state courts must apply the federal exclusionary rule is legally dubious, and many jurists have complained that it encourages ‘distort[ions]’ in substantive Fourth Amendment law.”

Thomas noted that the framers of the Fourth Amendment (as well as the 14th Amendment, which applied the Fourth Amendment to the states) “would agree that a constitutional violation occurred here,” but “they would be deeply confused about the posture of this case and the remedy that [the defendant] is seeking.”

Thomas asserted that excluding illegally obtained evidence is not the appropriate remedy, particularly where there was no historical support for such a remedy at the time of the Fourth Amendment’s passage. He explained:

No such rule existed in “Roman [l]aw, Napoleonic [l]aw[,] or even the [c]ommon [l]aw of England. … Historically, the only remedies for unconstitutional searches and seizures were “tort suits” and “self-help.”

As Benjamin Cardozo, then a New York Court of Appeals judge and later a Supreme Court justice, put it: The rule allowed “the criminal … to go free because the constable has blundered.”

Ever the originalist, Thomas encouraged the Supreme Court to revisit its 1961 decision in Mapp v. Ohio, requiring state courts to follow the exclusionary rule. Thomas noted that the rule is not “grounded in the Constitution or a federal statute,” so he questions how it may bind the states.

Only the Constitution, laws, and treaties are “supreme law of the land” that can bind the states. In his view, states should be free to enact their own exclusionary rules rather than being forced to adopt a rule created by federal judges.

Thomas summed up his concurrence by noting:“I am skeptical of this Court’s authority to impose the exclusionary rule on the states. We have not yet revisited that question in light of our modern precedents, which reject Mapp’s essential premise that the exclusionary rule is required by the Constitution. We should do so.”

In 1985, then-Attorney General Edwin Meese III said that the federal exclusionary rule “helps the guilty criminal, which is one of the tragedies … in our system of jurisprudence, where valid, probative evidence—the truth in other words—is excluded from a trial.”

Relaxing or rescinding that rule vis-à-vis the states would let them craft state exclusionary rules that might find a better balance between protecting defendant’s rights and public safety.

But the Constitution would not require the states to do anything.

The federal exclusionary rule was created as a matter of judicial policy “to deter future Fourth Amendment violations,” wrote Thomas, and the Supreme Court has “noted the lack of evidence supporting its deterrent effect,” while it has “recognized the effectiveness of alternative deterrents such as state tort law, state criminal law, internal police discipline, and [federal civil rights] suits.”

In light of those shortcomings, perhaps some states will now accept Thomas’ invitation to ask the court to rethink the rule. No other justice joined Thomas in making this call. That’s, perhaps, a reflection of the fact that Thomas is a “fearless originalist” who’s not afraid to clear out past cases that stand in the way of the original meaning of the Constitution.

Whether other justices would join Thomas if such a case arose remains to be seen. But one thing is certain: Thomas will continue laying the foundation for a return to the original meaning of the Constitution.

>>> Listen to “SCOTUS 101”: Elizabeth Slattery and Tiffany Bates bring you up to speed on their Supreme Court podcast.

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Democrat Obstruction in the Senate Is Hurting Our Courts

Our federal courts are facing a vacancy crisis like never before.

The number of judicial vacancies across the federal bench has averaged 142 so far this year. The only year that came close to this was 1991, which had an average of 138 vacancies—but that was shortly after Congress created 85 new judicial positions.

More than half of the current vacancies are designated as “judicial emergencies” by the Administrative Office of the U.S. Courts because of their longevity and their impact on the caseloads of other judges. This is a real vacancy crisis.

As of May 24, 33 nominees to the U.S. district courts and U.S. courts of appeal were pending before the full Senate after being approved by the Judiciary Committee. More than half of these nominees are slated to fill judicial emergency vacancies.

But if they’re emergency vacancies, why, you might ask, doesn’t the Senate just approve them already?

The confirmation process has two speeds: normal and slog. Not “slow,” but “slog.” This is the speed that results when the minority party uses various tactics to intentionally make the process as cumbersome and time-consuming as possible. It’s like trying to walk through molasses.

The confirmation process has been a slog almost since President Donald Trump took office. One of the tactics that Democrats are using is to force the Senate to take two separate votes on every nomination: one to end debate, and one to confirm.

Democrats have forced double votes on 95 percent of Trump’s judicial nominees so far. That’s compared to 8 percent of President Barack Obama’s nominees at this point, and a flat zero for Presidents George W. Bush, Bill Clinton, George H.W. Bush, Ronald Reagan, and Jimmy Carter. You could keep going back and the result would be the same.

This one tactic is a drag on the confirmation process in four ways.

First, since the votes needed to end debate and the votes needed to confirm are the same, there is no reason to take any votes to end debate. Second, the Senate has to wait two days to vote on ending debate after a vote is requested. Third, even after the Senate votes to end debate, there can be up to 30 more hours of consideration. And fourth, Democrats are forcing the Senate to jump through these hoops for nominees who have no opposition at all, and for more than a half-dozen originally nominated by Obama.

Even after debate is ended, Democrats are forcing the Senate to take a formal roll call vote to approve every single nomination. For context, in more than 200 years, at normal confirmation speed, the Senate used a roll call vote to confirm only 4 percent of judicial nominations. In yet another double standard, Democrats have forced a roll call vote to confirm 96 percent of Trump’s judicial nominations.

Why is this such a big deal? A roll call vote requires every senator to come to the Senate floor and takes an average of about 35 minutes. The normal way of approving nominations was by unanimous consent or a voice vote, which did not require the presence of every senator and could take about 35 seconds. It all adds up.

The bottom line is that nominations that used to be confirmed in a matter of hours now can take a week or more. When the confirmation process is at slog speed, it displaces much more of the Senate’s business and presents much more challenging choices for the majority leader.

Democrats have slowed the confirmation process to a slog because they can, but it’s taking a serious toll on the judiciary. Vacancies are now more than 30 percent higher than when Trump took office, and at the level they are today, the American people who must bring matters to the courts are getting shortchanged.

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Podcast: Minors at the Border

No, 1,500 illegal immigrant minors aren’t “lost.” But even so, things at the border aren’t great. The Heritage Foundation’s David Inserra joins us to break it down. Plus: Does the cancellation of “Roseanne” prove that there’s a double standard on TV networks?

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When Congress Doesn’t OK Government Rules, Both Ranchers and Conservationists Suffer

Until the Trump administration submits Obama-era land use rules to Congress for approval, those regulations aren’t actually in effect and can’t be enforced to protect a chicken-like bird in 10 Western states, a legal group argues.

And even if a government regulation benefits the public interest, a federal agency’s unwillingness to submit it for approval as required by the Congressional Review Act places the rule on tenuous legal footing that could undermine conservation efforts, two lawyers with the group say.

So their organization, Pacific Legal Foundation, headquartered in Sacramento, California, filed separate but related lawsuits on behalf of  ranchers in Idaho and a conservation program in Kansas.

Whether various interests argue an agency’s regulations are beneficial or harmful, those rules should face congressional scrutiny before going into effect, the lawyers told The Daily Signal in interviews.

To drive this point home, Pacific Legal Foundation filed both its suits at the same time in April.

Instead of allowing “unaccountable, unelected bureaucrats” to call the shots on federal rulemaking, Congress should have the final say in determining the merits of regulations that affect average Americans, the legal organization argues.

“If a court were to say that the Pacific Legal Foundation is correct and that the rules must be submitted to Congress,” Heritage Foundation expert Paul Larkin told The Daily Signal, “that would carry greater respect with administrative agencies than it would if the executive branch were to make this argument. A court ruling carries more weight.”

How the Law Works

President Bill Clinton signed the Congressional Review Act into law in 1996 after Congress passed the legislation under the leadership of House Speaker Newt Gingrich.

The law calls for regulatory agencies to submit every rule to both houses of Congress and the Government Accountability Office before the rules can go into effect. Congress then approves or disapproves the proposed rules with up-or-down votes decided by a simple majority.

Under the law, during the first 60 legislative days after receiving a rule, Congress may vote on resolutions of disapproval to overturn the rule without a Senate filibuster and with limits on the amount of time the Senate may take to debate.

A member of the House and Senate each would have to introduce a joint resolution of disapproval. Both the House and Senate versions are subject to a simple majority vote if acted upon within the 60-day window.

Congress sends approved resolutions to the president for his signature or veto. If the president signs, the rule is voided and any “substantially similar” rule may not be adopted in the absence of a new law authorizing it.

>>> Commentary: 10 Ways Trump Beat Back Excessive Regulation in 2017

Early last year, Pacific Legal Foundation joined with The Heritage Foundation, Competitive Enterprise Institute, and other partners in an effort called “Red Tape Rollback” to promote use of the Congressional Review Act to eliminate costly and illegal regulations.

“When Congress imposes a rule people don’t like, they can be voted out of office,” Jonathan Wood, a Pacific Legal Foundation lawyer who specializes in environmental law and property rights, told The Daily Signal. “But when bureaucrats impose these rules without democratic oversight, there is no way to hold them accountable.”

That’s why Wood is spearheading the two lawsuits calling for strict enforcement of the Congressional Review Act.

Protecting the Greater Sage Grouse

One of the legal cases challenges land use restrictions imposed by Obama’s Interior and Agriculture departments on federal lands to protect a chicken-like species of bird known as the greater sage grouse.

The latest figures from the Interior Department’s Bureau of Land Management show that the greater sage grouse occupies more than 170 million acres in 11 western states: North Dakota, South Dakota, Wyoming, Nevada, Oregon, Utah, Colorado, Montana, Idaho, Washington, and parts of California. Washington, however, is not affected by the regulations because its bird population is concentrated on private land.

Wood represents a cattle ranching operation in Oakley, Idaho, that could be subjected to federal restrictions on its grazing operations once the sage grouse rules are fully implemented.

On Sept. 22, 2015, Obama’s Fish and Wildlife Service announced that the greater sage grouse would not be listed as either threatened or endangered under the Endangered Species Act because of the cooperative efforts of state officials and private landowners.

But on the same day, the Agriculture Department’s Forest Service and another part of the Interior Department, the Bureau of Land Management, rolled out what Pacific Legal Foundation describes as “heavy-handed sage grouse regulations” that “impose severe restrictions on federal land use in the West.”

>>> Related: Lawyers Make Millions Off Taxpayers, Endangered Species Act as Ranchers Try to Live With Rare Bird

A listing under the Endangered Species Act would “have been even worse” than the land use rules, Todd Gaziano, Pacific Legal Foundation’s chief of legal policy and strategic research, said in an interview.

That law imposes restrictions on both public and private lands, while the land use rules apply only to public lands, Gaziano said.

Even so, the rules remain burdensome and problematic because for historic reasons most ranchers depend upon access to public land for a living, and the federal government controls most of the land in Western states, he said.

“That’s something people in the Eastern states don’t often understand,” Gaziano said, adding:

The federal government owns far too much of the land out West, but the concession Congress made in exchange for restricting available private property was to encourage and protect public use of the federal land by federal law.

Westerners purchased available homesteads and established their ranch boundaries with the expectation that they could reasonably rely on the vast federal lands that surrounded them for a significant portion of their grazing range. It’s fundamentally unfair to prevent most private ownership of Western land and then radically change the historic terms for the use of public land.

The Effect on Ranchers

The rules on the sage grouse undermine state-level conservation that benefited ranchers who rely on federal lands for their living, Pacific Legal Foundation argues in its suit:

Instead of considering the plans developed by the states, which took into account unique aspects of each individual state and its needs, the plans create a cookie-cutter approach that almost mirrors the stringent restrictions under the Endangered Species Act. This is despite the finding from the Fish and Wildlife Service that the greater sage grouse was not threatened or endangered.

Congress has repeatedly criticized the rules and tried to overturn them through the traditional legislative process. However, the agencies’ unlawful failure to submit the sage grouse rules has deprived Congress of its best opportunity to review—and strike down—the rule.

Wood represents brothers Douglas, Don, and David Pickett, who own the ranching operation in Idaho. Although the sage grouse rules have not been fully implemented, they have become a source of consternation for the three brothers, Wood told The Daily Signal.

“Last year, the Forest Service sent biologists out to study their allotment and grazing practices,” Wood said. “Based on that study, the Picketts’ allotment [of land] has been identified as valuable habitat for the sage grouse.”

“Consequently,” he said, “the Forest Service has already warned them that restrictions are coming, although they haven’t been announced yet. Of course, the resulting uncertainty also harms the Picketts, who have to make decisions today that affect grazing two, three, or five years down the road.”

Good Rules Beset by Uncertainty

The other legal case involves a conservation plan in Kansas set up to keep a bird called the lesser prairie chicken off the endangered species list.

An alliance of county governments called the Kansas Natural Resource Coalition developed the plan, which the Fish and Wildlife Service made possible through a rule called the Policy for Evaluating Conservation Efforts When Making Listing Decisions. This PECE rule, as it is widely known, promotes conservation initiatives at the local level where government officials, property owners, and environmental groups collaborate to meet goals.

Although the program benefits from a broad cross section of support, there’s one problem: Interior did not submit the PECE rule to Congress.

“Unlike the sage grouse rules, the PECE rule is a popular, bipartisan, and successful conservation rule,” Pacific Legal Foundation’s Wood said, adding:

Congress shouldn’t use the Congressional Review Act to shoot it down. But the agency’s failure to submit the rule is still problematic. It means that the rule cannot lawfully go into effect and, thus, no one can rely on it.

The basic idea behind PECE is to provide incentives to states, property owners, and environmental groups to work together to conserve species. It rewards those efforts by avoiding the need to list the species under the Endangered Species Act. This cooperative approach has played a critical part in the decision to avoid listing the lesser prairie chicken, which are found throughout five central states [Kansas, Oklahoma, Texas, New Mexico, and Colorado].

Environmentalists have long pushed for the lesser prairie chicken and other species in the Permian Basin to be listed under the ESA [Endangered Species Act], which would shut down energy production. So far, those efforts have failed because the PECE rule has successfully encouraged collaborative conservation efforts to protect the species, while avoiding the need to list them.

The Permian Basin is an oil- and gas-producing region extending across the Western part of Texas into Southeastern New Mexico.

‘Catch-22’ Until Rule Submitted

Despite the success of the PECE rule, the Interior Department’s failure to submit it to Congress creates a level of uncertainty on the part of local residents who have demonstrated a willingness to participate in conservation initiatives, Wood laments.

“Until the agency submits the rule, our clients are in a Catch-22. They must show their conservation plan is certain to be implemented and succeed at protecting the species,” he said.

“But, by not submitting the rule [to Congress], the agency has taken away the main incentive for people to participate, making it much more difficult for our client, the Kansas Natural Resource Coalition, to show that certainty. Until the rule is submitted, any listing decision based on it is vulnerable to litigation. We are trying to save the agency from itself by dealing with this problem proactively and avoiding more, unnecessary litigation down the road.”

So why doesn’t Interior just submit the rules at issue?

“Do you know how easy it would be for the federal government to end our lawsuit [in the PECE case]?” Gaziano asked. “They just need to send the rule to Congress. No one is going to overturn it, because everyone likes it, and Trump could threaten to veto if there is an effort to try an overturn it.”

“Our clients will be happy, we’ll be happy, the federal government doesn’t even need to admit there is anything wrong.”

The Daily Signal asked the Interior Department why the agency simply would not submit the rules for congressional approval; the agency referred the request to the Justice Department.

A Justice Department public affairs official, Wyn Hornbuckle, responded in an email message: “As is our general policy, the department declines to comment on matters that are in active litigation.”

The Daily Signal also asked the Forest Service why it would not submit the rules for congressional review. Dru Fenster, the agency’s acting national press officer, said in a phone message that it doesn’t comment on pending or ongoing litigation.

Congress Reasserts Authority

Last August, Interior Secretary Ryan Zinke announced his intention to press ahead with reforms to the sage grouse rules.

In cooperation with governors, the Bureau of Land Management developed proposed reforms that were published earlier this month. The bureau will take comments on these proposals until Aug. 9, then publish a final environmental impact statement and land use plan amendments by October.

Larkin, a senior legal research fellow with The Heritage Foundation who has written extensively on the Congressional Review Act, said he is pleased to see members of Congress reasserting their authority over agencies by sinking rules they view as misguided.

“The whole point of the Congressional Review Act is to nullify bad rules before they go into effect,” Larkin said. “As a general matter, I would say it is certainly appropriate for private parties to challenge rules that were not submitted to Congress.”

Larkin identifies four different scenarios where the law is applicable. One involves a set of rules the Trump administration would like to see overturned; another involves rules that are viewed as beneficial but are in need of congressional approval.

Agencies also have the option to withdraw rules on their own, and private parties such as Pacific Legal Foundation may litigate to force agencies to seek congressional review.

Wood said the Kansas case demonstrates that the problem of noncompliance with the Congressional Review Act isn’t limited to enforcement of controversial rules that Congress likely would strike down if given the opportunity.

The failure of agencies to abide by the law “needlessly puts a cloud of uncertainty” over beneficial rules with popular support, the Pacific Legal Foundation lawyer said.

“There is a segment of the environmental movement that does not like the PECE rule,” Wood said. “They favor heavy-handed regulation and litigation, an approach that creates conflict but fails to accomplish real conservation.”

“However, there are a lot of conservation groups that participate in these conservation plans. They too have a stake in ensuring that the rule is submitted to Congress as required by the Congressional Review Act, so that their work can continue.”

Gaziano said he isn’t sure why the Trump administration has not moved to end the lawsuits by simply submitting the rules to Congress.

In the case of the greater sage grouse, he speculated, the administration might be concerned Congress will not overturn the rules.

“But that’s not how the law works,” Gaziano said. “It’s not up to an agency to decide whether Congress will or will not overturn a rule submitted under the Congressional Review Act. Once any rule is submitted, the next step is up to Congress. There could be a debate, pressure, concessions. That’s called democracy. That’s called compromise and accountability.”

The post When Congress Doesn’t OK Government Rules, Both Ranchers and Conservationists Suffer appeared first on The Daily Signal.



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